Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Centrum Dokumentacji Współczesnej Sztuki Sakralnej
pl. Ofiar Getta 4-5/35, 35-002 Rzeszów
tel. +48 17 872 20 98

Rev. Marek Jodkowski

University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn


The article presents the historical outline and ideological circumstances concerning the construction of Saint Bruno’s Church in Giżycko as well as the novel form (in liturgical context) of the altar design.

In the inter-war period (1918–1939) various initiatives were undertaken in Germany to commemorate the soldiers fallen during World War I. A very important role in this respect was played by the German War Graves Commission (Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge). Starting from 1922 National Mourning Day was commemorated in the Weimar Republic, which 12 years later was renamed Heldengedenktag (Memory of Heroes Day) and it was declared an official national holiday. In Giżycko, where Catholics were in a diaspora, a decision was taken to build a church which would function as a church-cum-monument to the fallen soldiers, the first of its kind in East Prussia. The initiator of the plan to erect the church was Father Severin Quint whereas Martin Weber was responsible for the architectural design of the building. The blessing of the cornerstone took place on 23 August 1936 and the church was opened on 8 August 1937. On 23 August 1938 the church was adorned with decorations. This modern place of worship, which also performed the function of a garrison church, was full of military references and military symbolism. The middle section of the facade was decorated with a sgraffito image of Saint Bruno of Querfurt accompanied by a Teutonic Knight on one side and a contemporary German soldier on the other. This figurative image was supposed to symbolise the heroic conduct of the German army, rooted in history and supported by the blessings of the Apostle of the Prussians. As far as the interior is concerned, the positioning of the altar enabling the priest to celebrate the mass versus populum was a truly novel solution on the territory of the Warmia Diocese at the time and, in a way, heralded the changes in Catholic liturgy which were to take place some years later after the Second Vatican Council.

Keywords: German architecture, Diocese of Warmia, Giżycko, Martin Weber, St Bruno, soldiers memorial


Saint Bruno’s Church in Giżycko has been at the centre of interest of historians for a long time. Its significance was related to the religious life of the Catholic inhabitants of the city and its vicinities. In his monograph Giżycko. Święty Brunon wpisany w historię miasta[1] (Giżycko. St Bruno Being Part of its History) Rev. Zdzisław Mazur highlighted the role of this church as the place of conducting parochial liturgical celebrations. The commemorative function of the church, as a monument commemorating German World War I heroes, was barely mentioned. The issue of commemorating German soldiers fallen on the territory of East Prussia has been discussed at length by Robert Traba in his most interesting publication Wschodniopruskość. Tożsamość regionalna i narodowa w kulturze politycznej Niemiec (Being East Prussian. Regional and National Identity in Germany’s Cultural Policy).[2] In his book the author attempts to interpret the “political cult” of the war heroes as well as its accompanying symbols and rituals. However, he does not reflect in any way on the origins of the church. Hence this attempt to complement the research by presenting more profound historical and ideological aspects relating to this church-cum-monument seems to be fully justified, and perhaps especially so due to the relative abundance of relevant written records. They include documents kept in the General Archives of the Boniface Association (Bonifatiuswerk in German) based in Paderborn as well as publications and newspaper articles from the first half of the 20th century.

            European countries fighting in World War I had undertaken actions to commemorate victims of the war even before it ended. Symbols and commemorative rituals constituted a certain way of dealing with the painful past. Glorification of the defenders of the country served as the way of creating the topos of the fallen, who shed blood fighting for their beloved mother country.[3] Such a policy was conducted on a large scale especially in Germany. It is worth mentioning that around 2 million German soldiers lost their lives and another 4 million were wounded in the course of World War I. The society was confronted with the problem of invalids, orphans and widows on a truly unprecedented scale.[4]

            Commemorating the heroes and victims of war took various forms. In 1919 the Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge (German War Graves Commission) was set up. On 5 March 1922 it initiated in the German Parliament, the Reichstag, commemorative celebrations to honour the fallen soldiers in the form of celebrating Volkstrauertag (National Mourning Day).[5] The idea was widely popular thanks to the clever stylisation of the victims of war as heroes of “the glorious fight”. When inaugurating the celebrations, Paul Löbe, the President of the Parliament, proclaimed that the dead had become the companions of the living generation in way to gain the new life.[6] From 1924 National Mourning Day was celebrated during Lent. Ten years later it was renamed as Heldengedenktag (Memory of Heroes Day) and it was declared an official national holiday. It is worth noting that the decision regarding the way of celebrating this day and accompanying events rested with the Reichministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda (Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda).[7] On 22 February 1935 the Reich Minister of the Interior, Wilhelm Frick, issued a circular letter regulating the forms of remembrance for dead heroes in which the Nazi authorities clearly dissociated themselves from celebrating All Saints’ Day in the Catholic Church and the Sunday of the Dead in Lutheran churches in the belief that remembering individual people means limiting the commemorative celebrations to family only. The Heldengedenktag, which falls on 17 March, was to be observed in all places where army units were stationed. The celebrations were organised by garrison commanders, and local people, local administration authorities as well as NSDAP members[8] were encouraged to actively participate. In places where there was no army garrison, the NSDAP and German War Graves Commission[9] were responsible for organising the celebrations.

For the families of the soldiers who perished during the war, cemeteries and graves were an important place for mourning. In time, however, it was noticed that a necropolis could take on yet another important function, one which complied with the political and ideological instrumentalisation of remembering the victims of war.


In burial sites which magnified the feeling of loss, the political rhetoric rooted in Pietic symbolism often turned very demagogic and aggressive.[10] The celebrations would normally begin with clichéd formal speeches honouring the fallen on any fronts of World War I, who would be stylised and hailed as defenders of the Third Reich. The holiday often served as a pretext for criticizing the Weimar Republic and justification for the National-Socialist rule. The emotional side of the day of mourning was used for propagating the idea of war heroism, which was already present during World War I, and which became part of the official Nazi propaganda after 1933. From the day that Nazi Germany introduced conscription in 1935 the War Heroes Remembrance Day began to be perceived as an element of ideological preparation for a future war, and the army was the focal point of all celebrations.[11]

Commemorating war heroes also took other long-lasting forms. One such monument devoted to the soldiers fallen in the years 1914–1918 was the church in Giżycko. In the Święta Lipka Jesuit archives we find information that in the mid-eighteenth century there were 370 Catholics in Giżycko. In all probability, the quoted figure also included people living in the vicinity of Giżycko. Unfortunately, the liquidation of the Jesuits at Święta Lipka resulted in a lack of adequate pastoral care in this area and, consequently, falling numbers of Catholics. In 1839 the Giżycko Catholic community had as few as 18 members. A significant change in the composition of the inhabitants of Giżycko was brought about by the establishment of a permanent army garrison in 1859. To put things into perspective, one has to know how the population of Giżycko changed over the years. In 1815 the city had 1564 people and this number had grown to 2793 by 1857 (including 32 Catholics and 77 Jews), 4067 by 1875 and 5826 people by around the year 1900. From 1852 Giżycko Catholics were under the pastoral care of the Ełk Diocese, and from 1872 they could participate in services celebrated in Kętrzyn. Priests from Kętrzyn would also come to Giżycko 4 or 5 times a year to celebrate Mass for the soldiers. The civilian population would also come to the services. The service was held in the army barracks within the grounds of the Boyen fortress. Local Catholics, following their request from 31 January 1898 addressed to the Bishop of Warmia, were able to receive holy sacraments in Giżycko every month. As the local Catholic community had no place of worship at the time, a plot of land (1.69 hectares) was purchased in 1905 with the intention of building a chapel. The consecration of a small chapel devoted to Saint Bruno of Querfurt took place on 10 November 1909. It is worth bearing in mind that this was the very year in which the nine hundredth anniversary of the tragic death of this missionary bishop and martyr was celebrated in the Diocese of Warmia.[12]

On 21 June 1910 Franz Justus Rarkowski was appointed the first curate of Giżycko and the chaplain of the local garrison. He took care of both spiritual matters as well as material ones, such as, for example, providing the interior for the chapel. The liturgical vestments were donated by liturgical paraments societies from Frombork, Reszel and Münster. The organs and baptystery were acquired from a parish church in Sztum, whereas the main altar and the chandelier came from a palace chapel in Vienna. The Virgin Mary altar was sent from a monastery chapel in Orneta. A small fleche over the top of the oratory was the gift of girls from Warmia who worked as servants in Düsseldorf. Plans to build a new, larger place of worship were made as early as in 1913. Not only was an adequate plot of land acquired, in what was then Bismarckstraße, but also a considerable amount of money, field stones and over 100,000 bricks were collected. Unfortunately, the outbreak of World War I foiled all these plans and preparations to build a church. The plot of land for the future church was enlarged further when the pastoral care of Giżycko inhabitants was in the hands of Father Bernard Gischarowski (from 1925 to 1929). It is worth noting that the number of Catholics grew to 1271 people at the time. Therefore an independent parish was created in Giżycko in 1926. Building a new church became an urgent necessity as the existing chapel was simply too small for the growing congregation.[13]

The Catholic church in Giżycko was a very important place for the authorities of the Warmia Diocese as it finally allowed dynamic development of pastoral care in the area. Bishop Maximilian Kaller believed that it would become the main seat of the south-eastern Catholic diaspora in Warmia.[14] It was probably with this idea in mind that on 30 July 1935 he appointed Rev. Severin Quint the curate of Giżycko. Having worked in Węgorzewo (Angerburg) and Friedland before, Rev. Quint had proved to be a very able and efficient administrator. Moreover, as the chaplain of the Giżycko garrison he was able to draw on his own considerable military experience – after all, straight from school in 1914 he joined the Fifth Regiment of Grenadiers as a volunteer, and between 1916–1918 he served in the Fourth Army of the Ottoman Empire. When he arrived in Giżycko, he undertook the initiative to build a new church.[15] His brother – Rev. Johannes Quint – helped him greatly in acquiring funds for the new church. Johannes Quint worked between 1932–1935 as a secretary in Saint Boniface and Saint Adalbert’s Association in the Diocese of Warmia,[16] which meant that he had acquired considerable experience in organising material help for places of worship for the Catholic diaspora.

The commemorative character of the future church was probably the idea of the new curate. The church located in the middle of East Prussian battlefields was supposed to commemorate the bravery and heroic deeds of German soldiers during World War I.[17] It is worth mentioning that erecting monumental structures-monuments (Totenburg) in Nazi Germany was generously subsidised by the state. Adolf Hitler himself earmarked a considerable amount of his Mein Kampf royalties as a donation to the German War Graves Commission.[18] It has to be noted here that the initiators of building the church in Giżycko also counted on state subsidies. They intended to sell the existing parish building together with St Bruno’s Chapel to the army and the financial resources thus gained would be used as a considerable contribution to the funds needed for building the new church.[19] The negotiations with the army representatives were far from easy, however. Finally, the authorities came up with the idea of building one church, ecumenical in its character, for both Protestants and Catholic.[20] This was, however, hard to accept for the Catholic hierarchy. In this situation Bishop Maximilian Kaller decided to speed up the project of building the church as he rightly believed that erecting a Catholic church in Giżycko would put an end to the idea of a multi-religious place of worship, which was favoured by the state authorities.[21] Consequently, the army did not allocate the initially promised 25,000 Reichsmarks.[22] Having already decided on the erection of the church, the cost of which amounted to 90,000 Reichsmarks, the hierarchy of the Diocese of Warmia asked the Board of the General Boniface Association in Paderborn for the previously promised financial assistance of 40,000 RM. In fact, the construction of the church was entirely dependent on further financing from this organisation and therefore a new request for financing, this time 30,000 RM, was sent to Paderborn. The local Catholic congregation pledged to contribute a further 20,000 RM.[23]

The architectural design of the church was drawn by Martin Weber from Frankfurt am Main and the construction on site was supervised by the local architect from Giżycko – F. Lebzelter.[24] According to Adrian Seib, the choice of Weber as the architect was probably Bishop Kaller’s personal preference as he either might have met him personally or at least seen his works (e.g. in publications). In the late 1930s Weber, who lived in the Diocese of Limburg, designed more churches which were to be built in the Diocese of Warmia, among others churches in Cynty (Zinten), Iławka Pruska (Preußisch Eylau), Elbląg and Królewiec (Königsberg). Unfortunately, for various reasons, these churches were never built.[25]

The actual construction works began on 19 July 1936 (the symbolic first shovel initiating the groundworks) and only three months later – on 28 November – the roof structure was erected. It is worth mentioning here the blessing of the cornerstone which took place on 23 August 1936. The symbolic three hits of the hammer by the priest were accompanied with the utterance of the following words: To Saint Bruno’s Glory (St. Bruno zu Ehren); To the fallen in their memory (Den Gefallenen zum Gedächtnis); To the living as a sign of Grace (Den Lebenden eine Stätte der Gnade). The motto of the sermon was the line taken from the Bible: “This is nothing less than the house of God and the gate of Heaven” (Hier ist nichts Geringeres als das Haus Gottes und die Pforte des Himmels). In his sermon Rev. Severin Quint expressed his wish that the church would be rising high to the Heavens and to St Bruno’s sign, and that the foundation stone would be made from actual words and parishioners’ actions – as firm, reliable and brave as the patron saint himself, both during his life and his glorious martyr’s death. Rev Quint pointed out that out of two million German soldiers who lost their lives during World War I, thousands of them died fighting for their homeland (Heimat). Their graves – as he put it – are scattered all over East Prussian land as well as the alien country in the east. Their names, with the passage of time, may be forgotten and therefore this Giżycko church should be devoted to their memory, their faithfulness to the mother country; the church should be a monument for the living people and the next generations. Towards the end of his sermon Rev. Quint reminded everybody to pray for the fallen soldiers and urged the congregation never to forget about their heroic deeds, even during the memorable times of peace.[26]

 The consecration of the church took place on 8 August 1937. In the special sermon the parish priest mentioned that the new House of God had been erected on the historical borderlands as a manifestation of Christian faith and love for the mother country (Gesinnung). He thanked God for His protective hand raised over the sanctuary, as well as state authorities who made the project possible in difficult times. He pointed out that the massive form of the church situated in the centre of Giżycko, reminiscent in its style of the Teutonic Knights architecture, through its monumental walls addresses God and the mother country, and these very two words (Gott and Heimat) were, he insisted, very closely connected with each other.[27] The inauguratory service in the newly-built church was followed by a special Mass for the army and was celebrated by the Field Bishop from Berlin, Franz Justus Rarkowski, the first curate of Giżycko in the years 1910–1914. Other prominent figures who came to the consecration ceremony included Generalmajor Ludwig von der Leyen, the Commander of the Lötzen Festungs-Brigade (Giżycko Fortress Brigade). Among many wishes sent for this occasion one is especially worth quoting, namely the words of the Field Marshall August von Mackensen. He wrote that when honouring in Giżycko the pious soldiers and knights, who fought and often gave their lives for German heritage, honour was being given and due respect paid to the guardians of German culture.[28] The church was consecrated by Bishop Maximilian Kaller on 26 June 1938.[29]

The Catholic church in Giżycko, designed by Martin Weber in the last phase of his professional career, complied with the architectural trend of modern historicism. In contrast to Weber’s clearly individualistic concepts for sacral buildings from the 1920s and early 1930s, his later works display numerous similarities: they all seem fairly heavy from the outside, they all had pitched or pyramidal roofs, plain walls and narrow windows, usually closed with a semi-arch or a circle. The horizontal layout of the church was usually rectangular or T-shaped.[30] Apart from Weber’s realization in Giżycko, his other designs worth mentioning include St Kilian’s in Wiesbaden (1935–1937), St Adalbert’s in Frankfurt am Main (1937–1938) and St Barbara’s in Niederlahnstein (1937–1939). According to the initial design, the church in Giżycko was to be built on a steel skeleton frame, similarly to Weber’s earlier work – St Kilian’s Church in Wiesbaden. Those plans were abandoned, however, for technical and aesthetic reasons.[31] Saint Bruno’s Church in Giżycko, located away from the main street of the town, was essentially a modest-looking church made of materials (notably granite) reminiscent of the East Prussian architectural tradition of the Teutonic Knights’ period.[32] Despite its rather “average” height, the church seemed monumental and dwarfed the surrounding buildings thanks to its elevated location on a hill.[33] The church together with the adjacent modest-looking parish house was built on a rectangular plan. The plot of land bought for the church was fairly large so that it would allow possible extensions in the future. From the west side the church area was delimited by a wall made of glacial erratic stones [fig. 1]. The wide external stairs leading to a three-part portal which resembled an altar, culminating with a subtle cross, were all made of local material. The main structure of the church did not display any elements which would interfere with the rhythm of architectural forms. The church tower, which was the element joining the church with the parish building, was covered with a pyramidal roof. The shape of the tower (resembling a soldier’s helmet) as well as the two swords on the face of the church clock additionally emphasised the military symbolism of the church.[34] The middle section of the facade, over the portal, was decorated using sgraffito technique with the image of St Bruno of Querfurt with the smaller figures of a Teutonic knight and a German soldier on either side of him [fig. 2]. The patron saint of the church was depicted in Benedictine vestments with pallium and a crosier and a halo over his head. His outstretched arms were raised in a symbolic blessing gesture. This image of the Apostle of the Prussians was intended to evoke “the idea of German righteousness and chivalry”.[35] The figure of St Bruno measuring 8.4 m in height was one of the largest figures executed at the time in sgraffito technique in Germany. Below the abovementioned figurative scene the following dates were inscribed: 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917, 1918. An infantry soldier, symbolizing the heroic deeds of the German army, was holding a rifle, the butt of which pointed to the year 1915, i.e. the year East Prussia was liberated from the Russian occupation. The Teutonic Knight, on the other hand, was supposed to represent the colonizers of this land. This artistic composition was the work of a painter from Gdańsk, Theo M. Landmann.[36] On top of the facade two metal letters were attached: S(anctus) B(runon) – the monogram of the patron saint of the church.[37]

The interior of the church, with perpendicularly positioned construction and architectural elements, was dominated with simple orthogonal divisions [fig. 3]. Martin Weber, explaining the overriding principles behind his design in Giżycko, declared that “the sincerity of the material” implicated the colour composition inside the church. The walls were bright white thanks to manually applied lime plaster, whereas the pillars retained the grey of the plain close-boarding. These colours created a neutral background for the altar made of red Main sandstone, on which were placed golden church utensils made by Frankfurt goldsmith Hans Schablitzki.[38] It must be emphasised that the intention of the architect was to design a church that would become the ideal sacral space for celebrating the Eucharist. Placing the main altar on a podium (between the nave and the presbytery there are eight steps, and there are four more steps leading to the main altar) enabled the congregation a fuller participation in the liturgy. Two altar stones were placed on top of the altar: the front one was placed below, and the rear one was raised. In theory this made it possible to celebrate the service as versus populum, which was officially allowed only after the Second Vatican Council. Martin Weber can therefore be pronounced one of the pioneers of liturgical renewal in sacred architecture, and his church in Giżycko may be treated as one of the first in the Diocese of Warmia in which novel solutions anticipating the post-Council reform of celebrating the liturgy[39] were implemented.

The ceiling rested on black beams with boarding.[40] In the vestibule at the entrance to the church there are names of soldiers from the Giżycko military parish who died in the war. The simplicity of the church interior emphasises its sacred character. Narrow transverse pillars at the side wall of the building, with arched openings, reinforced the wooden structure of the roof. According to Carl Lange they symbolised the hands of praying people. The juxtaposition of bright walls with darker wooden elements helped to achieve an effect of sublimity.[41]

On the right-hand side of the church’s nave there are hand-painted Stations of the Cross by Frankfurt artist Georg Poppe, and in the altar of the Holy Mother of God, with the leading passage to the left, there is a terracotta figure of The Spouse of the Holy Spirit by Arnold Hensler, which is a copy of the original that can be found in the Church of the Holy Spirit in Frankfurt on the Main. The altar wall was adorned, most probably, with a kilim made by Georg Thomalla. Above the kilim there is a book with seven seals, and a lamb [fig. 4]. The decoration could be changed according to liturgical periods.[42]

Saint Bruno’s Church in Giżycko was one of the first sacred buildings in Eastern Prussia to have a hall, which was beneath the raised presbytery and served as a meeting place for parishioners; thanks to its thick walls it could serve also as an air-raid shelter. It is worth mentioning that a similar but slightly smaller hall was built beneath the rectory.[43]

Martin Weber’s design, representing modern sacred architecture in the Warmia Diocese, was in Carl Lange’s opinion “the first church in Eastern Prussia that commemorated German war heroes”.[44] When the area was taken over by Poland after 1945, the original ideological message connected with the commemorative function of the church [fig. 5] was obscured. The ideologically and nationalistically biased decoration of the façade was plastered over, and replaced initially with a humble wooden cross,[45] and later with a mosaic showing Saint Bruno surrounded by Prussian warriors who are murdering him [fig. 6].

According to Adrian Seib the connection between choosing St Bruno as the patron saint for the Giżycko church and the commemorative function of the church – i.e. honouring German soldiers fallen in World War I – is more than clear. Saint Bruno of Querfurt, often hailed as the Apostle of the Prussians, died a martyr’s death in 1009 in this very area.[46] In August 1914 Colonel Hans Busse made a name for himself by his courageous defence of Boyen Fortress in Giżycko. Another prominent figure staying in Giżycko was Germany’s President Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, who was later awarded the title of honorary citizen of Giżycko.

Ideologically, the new church was coherent with the fond memory of the late Marshal Paul von Hindenburg (died 1933) who was remembered as a great statesman, a liberator and saviour of Germany’s eastern borderlands. St Bruno was perceived as the pioneer of German-Christian culture in Prussia, where the memories of the Teutonic Knights and their heritage were still very vivid.[47] It is also worth bearing in mind that St Bruno was also the patron saint of the chapel which preceded the church in this place. St Bruno’s church was to serve not only the civilian population of Giżycko but also soldiers stationed there and, in fact, it was with this idea in mind that the church had been designed.[48]

Although in the liturgical calendar and the Roman Missal used in Warmia Saint Bruno was already present in the 17th century, a full-scale veneration of the saint in the Warmia Diocese did not begin until the second half of the 19th century. Together with St Adalbert, St Bruno was hailed as a patron of the pastoral activities of the Catholic Church in the area, which was predominantly inhabited by Protestants.[49] As Andrzej Kopiczko found out, in the liturgical calendar of the Diocese of Warmia, St Bruno’s Day (celebrated on 16th October) from the 1830s began to be celebrated as a veneration of St Bruno as the patron saint of the Kingdom of Prussia.[50] In order to celebrate the 900th anniversary of St Bruno’s death, at the initiative of the local Evangelical congregation a monument commemorating this event was erected on Tafelberg (now Góra Stołowa) near Giżycko, modelled on St Adalbert’s Cross in Tenkitten. The iron monument had the following inscription: Dem kühnen deutschen Missionar, der als erster Vorkämpfer in Masuren mit 18 Gefährten am 9. März 1009 für Christum und sein Reich den Martyrertod erlitten, dem Edlen Bruno von Querfurt zum ehrenden Gedächtnis (In memory of the brave German missionary, the noble Bruno of Querfurt, who suffered a martyr’s death together with his 18 missionaries in Mazury land on 9 March 1009 giving his life for Jesus Christ and His Kingdom”).[51]

Saint Bruno’s Church in Giżycko is a fine example of the cultural and historical mosaic so typical of this region. It serves the Catholic community as a place of worship. In 1994, as a consequence of the growing cult of the patron saint of Prussia, Saint Bruno’s Church became a diocesan sanctuary.[52]


[1] Z. Mazur, Giżycko. Święty Brunon wpisany w historię miasta, Giżycko 2001.

[2] R. Traba, “Wschodniopruskość”. Tożsamość regionalna i narodowa w kulturze politycznej Niemiec, Poznań–Warszawa 2006.

[3] See also A. Kaiser, Von Helden und Opfern. Eine Geschichte des Volkstrauertag, Frankfurt am Main–New York 2010, p. 13.

[4] Ibidem, p. 24.

[5] Ibidem, p. 10; Traba 2006 (fn. 2), p. 300.

[6] F. Schellack, Nationalfeiertage in Deutschland von 1871 bis 1945, Frankfurt am Main 1990, p. 192.

[7] Kaiser 2010 (fn. 3), pp. 10, 45; cf. Schellack 1990 (fn. 6), pp. 279–282; Traba 2006 (fn. 2), p. 305.

[8] Kaiser 2010 (fn. 3), pp. 182–183; cf. Traba 2006 (fn. 2), p. 301.

[9] Schellack 1990 (fn. 6), p. 297.

[10] Kaiser 2010 (fn. 3), p. 153.

[11] Schellack 1990 (fn. 6), pp. 297–304.

[12] S. Quint, Geschichte der DiasporagemeindeLötzen, “ErmländischesKirchenblatt”, 1936, no 29, p. 475; A. Kopiczko, Obchody 900-lecia męczeńskiej śmierci św. Brunona z Kwerfurtu w diecezji warmińskiej, in: Święty Brunon. Patron lokalny czy symbol jedności Europy i powszechności Kościoła, ed. A. Kopiczko, Olsztyn 2009, p. 384; see also: “Sonntagsblatt”, 1909, no 51, p. 204; W. Barczewski, Nowe kościoły katolickie na Mazurach, 2nd edition, Olsztyn 1925, p. 89; Ł.P. Fafiński, Skok cywilizacyjny 1806–1914, in: Giżycko. Miasto i ludzie, ed. G. Białuński, Giżycko 2012, p. 206; W. Guzewicz, Sanktuaria diecezji ełckiej, Ełk 2011, p. 33; P. Romahn, Die Diaspora der Diözese Ermland, Braunsberg 1927, p. 106.

[13] “Adalbertusblatt“, 1910, no 31, p. 123; “Pastoralblatt für die Diözese Ermland“, 1926, no 12, pp. 204–205; Quint 1936 (fn. 12), pp. 475–476; see also: Barczewski 1925 (fn. 12), pp. 89–90; G. Dehio, E. Gall, Handbuch der deutschen Kunstdenkmäler. Deutschordensland Preussen, München–Berlin 1952, p. 275–276; Guzewicz 2011 (fn. 12), p. 33; M. Jodkowski, Budownictwo sakralne diecezji warmińskiej w latach 1821–1945, Olsztyn 2011, p. 358; A. Kopiczko, Duchowieństwo katolickie diecezji warmińskiej w latach 1821–1945, part 2: Słownik, Olsztyn 2003, pp. 78, 228; Romahn 1927 (fn. 12), p. 106.

[14] Archives of The Boniface Society in Paderborn (hereafter: Arch. Paderborn), file: Lötzen, an official letter from 9 November 1935.

[15] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letter from  11 September 1935; C. Lange, Die erste Heldengedenkkirche in Ostpreußen, “Ostdeutsche Monatshefte” 18, 1937, no 8, p. 452; cf. Kopiczko 2003 (fn. 13), p. 226.

[16] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letter from 9 September 1935; Kopiczko 2003 (fn. 13), p. 226.

[17] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 451.

[18] Kaiser 2010 (fn. 3), p. 177.

[19] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letter from 8 February 1936.

[20] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letter from 25 March 1936.

[21] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letter from 2 June 1936.

[22] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letters from 29 April 1936 and 15 June 1936.

[23] Arch. Paderborn, file: Lötzen, official letter from 7 May 1936.

[24] Jodkowski 2011 (fn. 13), pp. 56–57; R. Kempa, W cieniu dwóch światowych wojen 1914–1945, in: Giżycko. Miasto i ludzie, ed. G. Białuński, Giżycko 2012, s. 294; Mazur 2001 (fn. 1), p. 8; A. Seib, Der Kirchenbaumeister Martin Weber (1890–1941). Leben und Werk eines Architekten für die liturgische Erneuerung, Trier 1999, pp. 253–260; M. Weber, Heldengedächtniskirche “St. Bruno” Lötzen Ostpreußen, “Ostdeutsche Monatshefte” 18, 1937, no. 8, p. 459.

[25] Seib 1999 (fn. 24), p. 255.

[26] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 456; cf. Seib 1999 (fn. 24), p. 257.

[27] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 457.

[28] Ibidem, p. 458.

[29] “Ermländisches Kirchenblatt“, 1938, no 28, p. 398; Rocznik Diecezji Warmińskiej 1985, Olsztyn 1985, p. 198; Guzewicz 2011 (fn. 12), p. 33.

[30] Seib 1999 (fn. 24), p. 255.

[31] Ibidem, p. 254.

[32] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), pp. 451–452.

[33] Seib 1999 (fn. 24), p. 256.

[34] G. Białuński, Legenda o śmierci św. Brunona w Giżycku, in: Święty Brunon. Patron lokalny czy symbol jedności Europy i powszechności Kościoła, ed. A. Kopiczko, Olsztyn 2009, p. 324.

[35] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 454.

[36] Freude in der Diasporagemeinde Lötzen, “Ermländisches Kirchenblatt“, 1938, no 26, p. 376; Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 454; Mazur 2001 (fn. 1), p. 36; Seib 1999 (fn. 24), pp. 256–257; Weber 1937 (fn. 24), p. 463; W. Nowak, Św. Bruno z Kwerfurtu i jego kult w diecezji warmińskiej, “Studia Warmińskie” 19, 1982, p. 86; Białuński 2009 (fn. 34), p. 324. In the first original design of the facade there was an inscription with the following words:  “DEN IM WELTKRIEG 1914–1918 GEFALLENEN HELDEN”; cf. “Ermländisches Kirchenblatt“ 1936, no 49, p. 797.

[37] Nowak 1982 (fn. 36), p. 80.

[38] Seib 1999 (fn. 24), p. 258; Weber 1937 (fn. 24), p. 463.

[39] Mazur 2001 (fn. 1), pp. 36–37; A. Seib, Der Kirchenbaumeister Martin Weber, “Architektur Jahrbuch” 1992, p. 191; Seib 1999 (fn. 24), pp. 258–260.

[40] Weber 1937 (fn. 24), p. 463.

[41] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 454; see also: Weber 1937 (fn. 24), p. 462.

[42] Seib 1999 (fn. 24), p. 260; Weber 1937 (fn. 24), pp. 462–463; Freude… 1938 (fn. 36), p. 376.

[43] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), pp. 454–456.

[44] Ibidem, p. 451.

[45] Nowak 1982 (fn. 36), p. 86.

[46] Seib 1999 (fn. 24), s. 255.

[47] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), pp. 452–453; Traba 2006 (fn. 2), pp. 316–321, 356.

[48] Lange 1937 (fn. 15), p. 452.

[49] Por. Kopiczko 2009 (fn. 12), p. 381; Nowak 1982 (fn. 36), p. 82; idem, Kult świętego Brunona-Bonifacego z Kwerfurtu w świetle ksiąg liturgicznych diecezji warmińskiej, in: Święty Brunon. Patron lokalny czy symbol jedności Europy i powszechności Kościoła, ed. A. Kopiczko, Olsztyn 2009, pp. 265–266.

[50] Kopiczko 2009 (fn. 12), p. 386; see also: Nowak 2009 (fn. 49), p. 266.

[51] Quote from: Kopiczko 2009 (fn. 12), pp. 384–385; cf. Quint 1936 (fn. 12), p. 474.

[52] Guzewicz 2011 (fn. 12), pp. 34–35, 37.

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