Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Centrum Dokumentacji Współczesnej Sztuki Sakralnej
pl. Ofiar Getta 4-5/35, 35-002 Rzeszów
tel. +48 17 872 20 98

Joanna Wolańska

Cracow (independent scholar)

*

Abstract

According to tradition, in the ruins of the Camaldolese church at Kahlenberg Hill (part of a hermitage founded in the first half of the 17th century and destroyed by the Turks occupying the city), in the morning of 12 September 1683, before the decisive battle of Vienna, papal legate Marco d’Aviano celebrated a mass at which John III Sobieski served. The celebrant – instead of the standard “Ite, missa est” – at the end of the mass, pronounced the prophetic words: “Ioannes vinces”.

The Polish community living in Vienna returned to this tradition at the beginning of the 20th century, and spontaneously, with the help of their compatriots in Poland, managed to restore the chapel adjacent to the church which, at that time, was in private ownership. It was only a few years later that the Resurrectionist Congregation of Vienna took possession of the building and Father Jakub Kukliński (1871–1946) was appointed rector of the church. It was also him who, for almost 25 years, had striven to rebuild and renovate the chapel, his efforts resulting, in 1930, in the execution of wall paintings by Jan Henryk Rosen and Kazimierz Smuczak, which survive to this day.

The present article examines the changes in the interior decoration of the chapel, starting from the earliest, and today almost unknown, works completed before the chapel had been taken over by the Resurrectionists in 1906 (when the chapel “institutionalised” its function as a “Polish church”) to a competition for its interior decoration in 1909, and the designs for wall paintings drawn by Józef Mehoffer in 1912, which remained unexecuted because of the outbreak of World War I, and finally, to the already mentioned decorations by Rosen and Smuczak.

Keywords: Kahlenberg, Leopoldsberg, Józef Mehoffer, Jan Henryk Rosen, Józef Kulesza, Joseph Führich, Sobieski’s Mass, Sobieski’s chapel, lieu de mémoire

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According to tradition, in the ruins of the Camaldolese church at Kahlenberg Hill (part of a hermitage founded in the first half of the 17th century and destroyed by the Turks occupying the city), in the morning of 12 September 1683, before the decisive battle of Vienna, papal legate Marco d’Aviano celebrated a mass at which John III Sobieski served. The celebrant – instead of the standard “Ite, missa est” – at the end of the mass, pronounced the prophetic words: “Ioannes vinces”.

The Polish community living in Vienna returned to this tradition at the beginning of the 20th century, and spontaneously, with the help of their compatriots in Poland, managed to restore the chapel adjacent to the church which, at that time, was in private ownership. It was only a few years later that the Resurrectionist Congregation of Vienna took possession of the building and Father Jakub Kukliński (1871–1946) was appointed rector of the church. It was also him who, for almost 25 years, had striven to rebuild and renovate the chapel, his efforts resulting, in 1930, in the execution of wall paintings by Jan Henryk Rosen and Kazimierz Smuczak, which survive to this day.

The present article examines the changes in the interior decoration of the chapel, starting from the earliest, and today almost unknown, works completed before the chapel had been taken over by the Resurrectionists in 1906 (when the chapel “institutionalised” its function as a “Polish church”) to a competition for its interior decoration in 1909, and the designs for wall paintings drawn by Józef Mehoffer in 1912, which remained unexecuted because of the outbreak of World War I, and finally, to the already mentioned decorations by Rosen and Smuczak.

The discussion of the topic in question should begin with an attempt at identifying the locale of the “mass before the battle of Vienna”, a historical event which prompted the emergence of today’s “Polish church” and the Guardian Angels chapel, customarily known as the John III Sobieski Chapel. There exist two parallel and mutually contradictory traditions, and it seems that the inconsistency of historical sources (which are often open to multiple interpretations) makes it impossible to choose between them and decide where the famous mass actually took place.[1] According to the local tradition, it is said to have taken place at (present) Leopoldsberg hill[2] – one of the many hills surrounding Vienna – which in the times of Sobieski was known as Kahlenberg (yet different from today’s Kahlenberg[3]), and its contemporary name – Leopoldsberg – came into use only after 1683, once St Leopold’s church had been built there. The hill known today as Kahlenberg, where the church of our interest is located, was originally known under the name Schweinberg, or Sauberg[4] – hence the toponymic and historical confusion. An etching published in Matthäus Merian and Martin Zeiler’s Topographia Provinciarum Austriacarum from 1649 may shed some light on the problem. It represents the so-called Wiener Pforte, i.e. Danube gorge near Vienna, with a hill visible on the left-hand side of the print (since it is located close to the river, it must be today’s Leopoldsberg) described as “Kalen berg”[5].

In 1783, after the secularisation of the Camaldolese monastery by Joseph II, the church was taken over by a private owner. Subsequently its ownership changed a number of times resulting in the building’s fall into disrepair[6]. Its renovation was begun by Johannes Finsterle in the second half of the 19th century. The solemn consecration of the church, believed to be the location of the famous “Sobieski’s mass”, took place on 12 September 1852. On that occasion, a commemorative chalice (still surviving in the church) was offered to the church by the papal nuncio to Vienna, Archbishop Michael Viale-Prela. In the following years the building was taken care of by Gustav Benischko, yet another owner of the property. Once the Vienna residents started their outings to the surrounding towns and hills, the interest in the church and the hill grew. In 1895 the Kahlenberger Kirchenverein – the Kahlenberg Church Society – was founded by Pius Twardowski[7], its members being mainly Poles living in Vienna. Every year, on 12 September, on the anniversary of the battle, the society organised outings-cum-pilgrimage to Kahlenberg hill where a thanksgiving mass was celebrated, and, as far as possible, they took care of the church and the historic chapel [fig. 1].

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Yet, it was not a group initiative of a society, but spontaneous actions of one man that initiated changes in the interior of the Sobieski Chapel at Kahlenberg. Józef Kulesza, a sculptor from Cracow, who, according to a press report from 1904: “Staying in Vienna a year before, went to see the Kahlenberg church, and his Polish heart bled when he saw that except for an old, ordinary tablet with an inscription in German, there was no other more substantial memento to remind about to the historic triumph of the Polish king who had set off from this place to fight the Turks. He decided to make a memorial tablet himself, which he did by executing a work in marble in his studio according to his own idea” [fig. 2][8]. The installation of the tablet required consent from the authorities, which Kulesza managed to obtain by getting some Polish organisations in Vienna interested in his initiative (a joint committee for this purpose was established by: “Biblioteka Polska”, “Gwiazda”, “Ognisko”, “Ojczyzna”, “Polonia”, “Przytulisko Polskie”, “Sodalicja”, “Sokół Polski”, “Strzecha”, “Towarzystwo św. Wincentego à Paulo” and “Związek Literacki Polski”)[9]. More importantly, the planned installation of the memorial tablet prompted a decision to “restore, repaint and redecorate the ‘Sobieski Chapel’ and organise a ceremonial unveiling of the tablet”[10]. The new interior decoration of the chapel was executed under the supervision of the architect Mieczysław Czajkowski, who also designed wall paintings, furnishings made of wood (altar, perhaps also the pews) and objects made of bronze (candlesticks) [fig. 3]. An altarpiece depicting the Virgin and Child (in the press characterized as “originally conceived”[11]) was painted by Maria Czajkowska, a painter from Lithuania [fig. 4][12]. A silver-plated altar lamp was executed by Marcel Jarra from Cracow, and candlesticks by Franciszek Kopaczyński, also from Cracow[13]. Needless to say, all of these works were supplied free of charge and the entire undertaking was possible thanks to the favourable attitude of the owner of the church, Dr Benischko, who “declared […] that he would be very glad to see the Poles enjoy the relic that was dear to their heart and celebrate commemorative masses in the chapel or the church”[14]. Grzegorz Smólski[15], an author of the foreword in the brochure published on the occasion of the chapel’s consecration, appealed: “May the Polish community graciously accept this garland of flowers picked from the local Polish lea, and, above all, kindly appreciate the good will and pure Polish national feeling that has animated us all”[16].

Kulesza’s tablet, still before the official unveiling, had been heavily criticised by the Vienna correspondent of “Kurier Lwowski”[17] who – apparently unaware of the fact that the tablet (measuring 1.5×1.2 m) executed by the Cracow stonemason was “engraved with a historical German text from the 17th century [taken] from the original old tablet set in the wall next to the »Sobieski Chapel«”[18] – questioned both the content and the location of the German inscription on the tablet’s dexter side, regarded as being more worthy. The same correspondent, relating the celebrations of 20 November 1904, wrote favourably about the chapel’s interior decoration (“wall paintings and the new altar carved in wood present a beautiful whole rendered in the Polish style”, that is, the so-called Zakopane style; while the Virgin in the altarpiece was described “as a peasant girl in a bodice embroidered with flowers and a string of beads around her neck”). At the same time, he informed readers that the committee had promised to set right the inscription on the tablet that he had criticised so heavily[19].

The inscription, as is plain to see now (the tablet having been installed in the wall of the corridor at the side entrance to the church), was never changed. What was changed, however, was the altarpiece in the chapel. Postcards from the beginning of the 20th century show the altar with the painting of Our Lady of Częstochowa [fig. 5], while the image of the Virgin and Child painted by Maria Czajkowska is known only from a photo in the brochure published on the occasion of the chapel’s consecration in 1904. A copy of Our Lady of Częstochowa painting from Jasna Góra was donated to the church by the general of the Pauline Fathers, Euzebiusz Rejman, in 1906, in commemoration of the fact that the historic mass of 1683 was celebrated before a different copy of this painting which Sobieski was said to have received during his visit to Jasna Góra and had with him during his military expedition[20].

While I do not intend to carry out a detailed analysis of the problem, it is worth mentioning that this earliest planned interior decoration of the Sobieski Chapel is yet another example – though one known only from photographs – of the “Zakopane style” intended to serve as the Polish national style, an example all the more telling that it was to manifest Polish national identity abroad.

As was already mentioned, in 1906 the Resurrectionists took possession of the Kahlenberg church and its very energetic rector, Father Jakub Kukliński, continued his efforts at the renovation of both the church and the chapel. Yet, he started with constructing the lodgings for priests adjacent to the church – “a beautiful multi-storey holiday house”, as it was maliciously described by the journalist of “Kurier Lwowski”, fulminating against continuous appeals of the Kahlenberg rector for donations to renovate the church and the Sobieski Chapel[21]. On 6 July 1909 Father Kukliński, announced a competition for the new decoration of the Sobieski Chapel, conducted by the “Polska Sztuka Stosowana” Society (with the deadline for sending works on 1 November): “The entire present interior decoration and furnishings of the chapel are to be changed: the walls and ceiling will be entirely covered with glass mosaic, and the bottom of the walls clad with marble mosaic; a stained-glass panel will be set in the window; an altar of marble or stone will be installed against the wall opposite the entrance; a painting of Our Lady of Częstochowa (perhaps the one currently there) will be the altarpiece; and finally there will be pews for two or three people. The decoration of the chapel will include 50 coats of arms of Polish chivalry, further, the coats of arms of Poland and Galicia as well as of the cities of Cracow, Lviv, Warsaw, Vilnius and Poznań”[22]. Seven works were sent to the competition which was resolved on 23 November 1909. The first prize (600 crowns) was awarded to Karol Frycz, and the second (400 crowns) went to Antoni Dzierzbicki (1887–1951), a painter from Munich[23]. Father Kukliński planned to pay for the renovation from donations of the descendants of knights who fought in the battle of Vienna and wished to have their coats of arms represented in the chapel[24]. However, the competition designs not only remained unexecuted but they apparently did not survive either.

Yet another competition for the chapel decoration was announced in 1911. This time the contest had a slightly higher rank as it was part of an exhibition of church art accompanying the 23rd Eucharistic Congress in Vienna planned for September 1912. According to Jadwiga Mehofferowa, this competition in a way resumed the one from 1909; however, “the conditions announced by the committee […] in the Polish version did not include some points that were present in the German one, which led to a negative response from the Polish artists”[25]. Józef Mehoffer, disgusted by this fact, resigned from his membership of the committee of the church exhibition, but took part in the competition, and in November 1911 he was commissioned to do the work of decorating the chapel.

The Kahlenberg chapel is a small room on a square plan, measuring about 3.5 m on each side, and is covered with groin vault. Only the walls to the left of the entrance and opposite the entrance (altar wall) provide large areas of unbroken surfaces; the wall to the right is pierced by a window set in a deep embrasure, and the entrance wall has a wide archway. Thus, more extensive figural scenes could decorate only the altar wall and the wall to the left of the entrance and above it; the remaining surfaces – the ceiling and window embrasures were not fit for monumental compositions.

Mehoffer drew sketches of three paintings for the three walls; one of them depicted the “Sobieski mass”, a subject that was most important, yet was not intended for the altar wall, but for the side wall to left of the entrance, opposite the window. It was the wish of Father Kukliński and of the organisers of the exhibition of church art in Vienna that the painter also produce a cartoon of this painting. Additionally, Mehoffer agreed that his miniature sketch of the painting be published on postcards as was requested by Father Kukliński. The postcards were circulated during the Eucharistic Congress, and it is in this form that this sketch is known to us today [fig. 6]. Reproductions of the cartoon [fig. 7], shown at the exhibition of church art accompanying the Eucharistic Congress[26], appeared in the exhibition reviews in a few art magazines, yet, interestingly, the inscription, “JOANNES VINCES”, depicted in the clouds, below the Virgin and Child, was missing from them [fig. 8 a–b][27]. This inscription could be seen only in the reproduction of the cartoon on the cover of “Tygodnik Ilustrowany” from 1913 [fig. 9][28]. The remaining two miniature sketches were drawn in the same year[29]. This is how Jadwiga Mehofferowa described the composition with Archangel Michael intended for the (internal) wall above the entrance to the chapel [fig. 10]: “The oval area of the wall over the gate is maintained in a warm harmony of the sapphire and pink of the sky, clear in the background, and the fantastic architecture spanning it. At the top it is terminated by an arch supported by brackets, woven with fine, yellow and red pattern with red and white overtones. The architecture of the brackets seems to be continued by rose garlands interspersed with leaves, joined by pink and green flowery lines. This is the background for Archangel Michael, descending as a gold and pink apparition wearing golden armour, a short tunic, with his pink wings spread wide and a fluttering flag in his hand. His slender, spread out legs seem to be resting on the billowing smoke and fire clouds of a battle that has just ended. Below, on the ground there is the dead body of a leader in a turban whose dead hands repose on the fallen green flag of the prophet. A flock of crows circle around against the background of fiery clouds. A white figure standing beside the head of the leader it is the symbol of death. On either side of the composition, right above the entrance gate, a few turbaned figures are shown sitting crossed-legged; they symbolise the mourning of the defeat sustained by their country”[30].

Regrettably, there is no such description of the third composition, intended for the altar wall, which depicts the prayer of Pope Innocent XI [fig. 11] whose silhouette is shown on the right-hand side of the painting, close to its edge, as a kneeling figure wearing a cope and tiara. The upper part of the painting is almost entirely filled by a huge tree with a cross on the upper part of its huge trunk, just under the tree crown. The trunk is flanked by two, barely visible, but decipherable, figures of two knights in Polish winged cavalry armour. At the bottom, the artist outlined a low neo-Baroque altar retable with a painting of the Virgin and Child – undoubtedly a copy of the Jasna Góra painting from 1906, from the earlier altar, was meant here.

Out of all these projects, only the wrought iron gate at the entrance was executed. The protracting refurbishment of the chapel and attempts at drying its walls, along with a lack of agreement as to the technique in which the decoration would be executed (ideas started from fresco to mosaic to marrouflage, i.e. painting on canvas glued to the wall) delayed the start of Mehoffer’s work, and the outbreak of World War I frustrated the plans altogether[31].

After the war, due to financial problems, Mehoffer’s designs were never returned to, and in 1930, the painter was replaced by Jan Henryk Rosen[32]. His paintings do not stray far from the iconographic programme of the decoration planned in 1911 and designed by Mehoffer. It may be therefore assumed that the subjects were given to both artists by Father Kukliński. Even though the style is completely different, and some iconographic details too, a comparison of respective compositions by Rosen and Mehoffer reveals that the subject matter of the scenes and their location on particular walls remained the same. This is the case, for example, of the altarpiece, in which also Rosen depicted the prayer of Innocent XI, yet putting a different emphasis: the pope is central and most important figure, there is a clear reference to the labarum of Constantine the Great, an allusion to a historical parallel for Sobieski’s victory [fig. 12][33]. Also in the scene above the entrance, analogically to Mehoffer’s Archangel Michael hovering above the battlefield, a military motif dominates (A Polish Knight Laying the Turkish Flag at the Feet of Sts Joseph, Leopold and John of Capistrano, fig. 13). Also the lower part of Rosen’s Kahlenberg Mass generally follows Mehoffer’s idea[34], but the image of the Virgin and Child was replaced with St Louis setting off on the crusade [fig. 14][35].

The ceiling and areas of walls between the painted scenes, enclosed within Baroque-style frames made of moulded copper, are covered with the coats of arms of over a hundred families whose members participated in the battle of Vienna (as was already mentioned, the coats of arms were a form of contribution towards the cost of the wall paintings: if a family donated money for the chapel renovation, its coat of arms would be painted in the chapel)[36]. A window in the wall to the right of the entrance is decorated with an ornamental stained-glass panel, or rather, a monochrome painting on honey-coloured glass, designed by Rosen, representing the coat of arms of the Commonwealth of Both Nations within a decorative cartouche with panoplies and cornucopia, founded by Adam Gubrynowicz. A statue of Sobieski, saved from the monument of the relief of Vienna erected in St Stephen’s cathedral and destroyed during World War II, was placed in the window alcove[37].

In conclusion of this, necessarily, general outline of the Kahlenberg chapel decoration, it is worth taking a closer look at a scene of key importance for this place, both from the iconographic and historical point of view. According to Werner Telesko, the Kahlenberg Mass (in Austrian literature called also the Leopoldsberg Mass, Sobieski’s Mass or Marco d’Aviano’s Mass) was first depicted by Joseph Führich (1800–1876) in a watercolour of 1842, subsequently reproduced in a chromolithograph by Vinzenz Katzler (fig. 15) in 1846[38]. Regardless of the undoubtedly important aspect of the composition’s subject matter, emphasised by Telesko, i.e. the association of the throne and the altar (which in the Polish context is quite obvious and does not require special attention), it seems that Führich’s watercolour could have been a model for Mehoffer’s composition, and (in this case, indirectly) for Rosen’s painting too: all three renderings of this compositions present the mass similarly – seen in profile. In the light of the discrepancies concerning the identification of the locale of the event from 12 September 1683, indicated at the beginning of this paper (it must be remembered that according to the Austrian tradition, the mass illustrated by Führich was celebrated on Leopoldsberg), which were often discussed in the form of biased polemics and attacks on the opposing party, it may seem strange that before Mehoffer’s composition came into being (as we know it, reproduced on postcards), the reproduction of Führich’s watercolour was used for the propaganda surrounding the events connected with the rebuilding of the Kahlenberg church or its history. The presence of the figure of Sobieski was the decisive factor, and the issues of the identification of the hill where the commemorative mass had been celebrated, or even the stone figure of St Leopold visible in Führich’s composition above the head of the Polish king (which – intentionally or not – was usually removed from the reproductions of the watercolour used by Poles), were of lesser importance [fig. 16].

Possible references to the 19th-century watercolour in the compositions of Mehoffer and Rosen are all the more striking that at least one alternative composition can be indicated: a chromolithographic devotional picture from the beginning of the 20th century published in Carl Redlich’s printing house in Innsbruck, depicting the mass celebrated by Marco d’Aviano seen frontally, not in profile [fig. 17][39]. What is more, the low (neo)-Baroque altar retable – similar to the one known from the oldest photo of the original interior of the Sobieski Chapel (before 1904; fig. 5) – may suggest that this is a faithful representation of the chapel’s actual interior (and not a vague image of a late-17th century Baroque altar). Interestingly, the cross with Constantine’s motto “IN HOC SIGNO VINCES”, exhibited above the head of the celebrant, makes this a “two-in-one” composition which combines two themes, in the decoration of the Sobieski Chapel divided between two separate pictures. One may also ponder whether this devotional picture could have been known to Rosen and influenced his work in which he displayed the vision of the cross and the accompanying motto.

The complicated history of the commemoration of John III Sobieski at Kahlenberg and Poland’s participation in the relief of Vienna presented above, especially in the context of the controversial identification of the locale of the celebration of “Sobieski’s mass” referred to at the beginning of the paper, encourage a more general reflection – on the symbolic and real understanding of Kahlenberg as a site of memory. It seems that the hill, with St Joseph’s church and the chapel, is a model example of a Polish lieu de mémoire[40]. Thus, the controversies about the historical and topographic accuracy of “Kahlenberg” lose significance: what really counts is a site where the memory of events important for Poles is still alive and cherished, and its actual location is only symbolic.

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The article is a slightly altered and expanded version of a paper presented at the conference “Polonia Sacra. Historia Polski w ikonografii sztuki sakralnej i religijnej” in Rzeszów, 20 Oct. 2016.

I thank Father Jerzy Rolka CR, director of the Archive of Polish Province of the Resurrectionists in Cracow and Father Roman Krekora CR, Kahlenberg church rector for their help in archive exploration and the investigation of the Kahlenberg chapel. Special thanks  are also due to Mrs Zofia Reinbacher. The research trip to Vienna in April 2014 was part of a project funded by the National Science Centre under the grant no. DEC-2012/05/B/HS2/04005.

[1] Most of the publications available in Polish do not question (present) Kahlenberg as the location of “Sobieski’s mass”. Abundant documentary material was assembled by Father Josef Dominicus Hamminger: Dokumentation zur historischen Messe vor der Entscheidungsschlacht um Wien, 12. September 1683, Wien 1983 (= Wiener Katholische Akademie, Miscellanea, Neue Reihe, no. 150: Arbeitskreis für Kirchliche Zeit- u. Wiener Diözesangeschichte) and Leopoldi Capelln am Kallenberg oder St. Josephskirche der PP Kamaldulenser auf dem Josephsberg (Sobieskikapelle in der St. Josephskirche)? Wo hat Pater Marco d’Aviano vor der Entscheidungsschlacht am 12. September 1683 die heilige Messe gefeiert?, Wien 1986 (= Wiener Katholische Akademie, Miscellania [!], Dritte Reihe, no. 100: Arbeitskreis für Kirchliche Zeit- u. Wiener Diözesangeschichte). However, both publications lack objectivity and have been quoted here only as useful reference sources.

The Kahlenberg church, and especially the “Sobieski Chapel”, has been given monographic treatment (or was discussed in works dealing with broader issues) in Polish, among them: Father J. Kukliński CR, Krótka historja kościoła św. Józefa i kaplicy króla Sobieskiego na Kahlenbergu, Wiedeń 1931; Father J. Kukliński, Dzieje kościoła św. Józefa i kaplicy króla Sobieskiego na Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Literacko-Naukowy” (a supplement to “Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny”, no. 143 dated 2 May 1931) VIII, 1931, no. 21, pp. VII–VIII; M. Rożek, Kahlenberg 1683–1983, Wiedeń 1982; A. Nadolny, Polacy na Kahlenbergu, “Studia Pelplińskie” 13, 1982, pp. 177–203; A. Nadolny, Polskie duszpasterstwo w Austrii 1801–1945, Lublin 1994, pp. 164–170, 269–282; A. Nadolny, Kahlenberg, in: Encyklopedia katolicka, vol. VIII, Lublin 2000, pp. 326–327; R. Taborski, Polacy w Wiedniu, Kraków 2001, pp. 26–28, 214–215; J. Smirnow, Kaplica Jana III Sobieskiego na Kahlenbergu – symbolem chwały oręża polskiego, “Gazeta Lwowska”, 28 Feb. 2007, p. 11; 15 Mar. 2007, p. 11; 31 March 2007, p. 11. Detailed and valuable studies related to the two occupations of Vienna by the Turks, compiled under the auspices of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, are available online: <http://www.tuerkengedaechtnis.oeaw.ac.at> (each entry with literature, mainly in German).

[2] Leopoldsberg, in: H. Tietze, H. Sitte, Österreichische Kunsttopographie, Bd. II: Denkmale der Stadt Wien (XI.–XXI. Bezirk), Wien 1908, pp. 441–444; V.O. Ludwig, Leopoldsberg-Kirche Wien, München–Zürich 1957 (= Schnell & Steiner, Kunstführer no. 657).

[3] Josefsdorf (Kahlenberg) in: Tietze, Sitte 1908 (fn. 2), pp. 430–434. The confusion is further exacerbated by partially similar, or even identical, historical circumstances, like the existence of incomplete churches on both hills in 1683, when the historic mass took place (the one on the present Kahlenberg was destroyed by the Turks, while the church on the present Leopoldsberg had been under construction). See also: Wien. X. bis XIX. und XXI. bis XXIII. Bezirk, Wien 1996 (= Dehio-Handbuch: Die Kunstdenkmäler Österreichs), pp. 532–534.

[4] See Ludwig 1957 (fn. 2), p. 4 (here information about the mass of 12 September 1683 celebrated by Marco d’Aviano, supposedly served by John III Sobieski, “im unfertigten Bauwerk” [“in an unfinished building”]).

[5] Prospect der Tho= | nau zwische[n] dem Kale[n]= | berg un Bisnberg, etching, 19.5×31 cm, British Museum, inv. no. 1898,0725.8.1754, in: Topographia Provinciarum Austriacarum, Frankfurt am Main 1649, before p. 29.

[6] See <http://www.tuerkengedaechtnis.oeaw.ac.at/ort/die-st-josefskirche-am-kahlenberg/> (accessed: 4 Oct. 2017); Josefsdorf… 1908 (fn. 3), p. 431.

[7] Pius Twardowski (1828–1906), lawyer, Austrian civil servant in the rank of Oberrat, great Polish patriot, founder or co-founder of many Polish organisations operating in Vienna (including the Society of Polish Academic Students “Ognisko” founded in 1864, “Biblioteka Polska” and “Przytulisko Polskie”, as well as an umbrella organisation of Polish societies, “Strzecha”, of which he was the first chairman); see A. Brożek, Kazimierz Twardowski w Wiedniu, Warszawa 2010, pp. 39–40; on Kahlenberg, pp. 41–45, esp. p. 43. Pius was the father of Kazimierz Twardowski (1866–1938), a distinguished philosopher and founder of the Lviv–Warsaw philosophical school. The care of the Polish memorabilia in Vienna, including the church and chapel at Kahlenberg, was continued by Pius’s younger son, Julius (1874–1945), who remained in Vienna.

[8] 20. Listopada 1904 r. Na pamiątkę uroczystości poświęcenia kaplicy króla Jana Sobieskiego i odsłonięcia tablicy na Kahlenbergu pod Wiedniem, Wiedeń 1904, pp. 8–9. Earlier, on the 200th anniversary of the relief of Vienna, Pius Twardowski – who was interested in the church from the moment of his arrival in Vienna in the mid-20th century and on every 12 September organised outings to Kahlenberg – is said to have contributed to the mounting of yet another tablet commemorating this event – on the church’s façade; see Brożek 2010 (fn. 7), p. 43 (the author quotes the original text of the inscription and its Polish translation). Whereas an article published online under the patronage of the Austrian Academy of Science (<http://www.tuerkengedaechtnis.oeaw.ac.at/ort/kahlenberg-gedenktafel-fur-heerfuhrer-von-1683/>) does not mention the name of Twardowski in relation to the tablet in question (though this does not mean that he could not have been unofficially involved in the process of its creation). The inscription was written only in German and the tablet was installed as part of the official Austrian anniversary celebrations and is signed by the “City of Vienna” (“Die Stadt Wien, 12 September 1883”) – which in a way justifies the activities of Kulesza, who wanted to install a Polish tablet. The information about Kulesza’s initiative with a photographic reproduction of the tablet and description of the chapel’s renovation was published in “Kalendarz Krakowski Józefa Czecha na rok 1905”, pp. 81–82. For more about this sculptor and stonemason see: Kulesza Józef in: Słownik artystów polskich i obcych w Polsce działających (zmarłych przed 1966 r.). Malarze, rzeźbiarze, graficy [hereafter referred to as SAP], vol. IV, Warszawa [et al.] 1986, pp. 349–350 (the tablet is mentioned on p. 350, along with information that the medallion portrait of the king was executed by Michał Stefan Korpal).

[9] 20. Listopada 1904 r. Na pamiątkę…1904 (fn. 8), p. 9.

[10] Ibidem, p. 9.

[11] Ibidem, p. 10.

[12] I did not manage to find any biographical information about the painter or the architect. The painter was perhaps Maria Czaykowska-Kozicka (1878–1963), who was said to had left for Paris in autumn 1902 for six years. The entry reads that (at an unspecified time) “she visited Vienna where she copied old masters paintings”; Cf. Z. Baranowicz, Czaykowska-Kozicka Maria in: SAP, vol. I, Warszawa [et al.] 1971, p. 398.

[13] 20. Listopada 1904 r. Na pamiątkę…1904 (fn. 8), p. 10. The workshop of Marcin Jarra, established in 1880s as a branch of the Norblin factory in Warsaw, originally operated in partnership with M. Jakubowski; from 1900 to 1914 Jarra was the sole owner of the workshop; see: Jarra Marcin, Fabryka wyrobów metalowych i srebrnych spółka z o.o. in: Encyklopedia Krakowa, Warszawa–Kraków 2000, pp. 338–339.

[14] 20. Listopada 1904 r. Na pamiątkę…1904 (fn. 8), p. 10.

[15] W. Bieńkowski, Smólski Grzegorz in: Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. XXXIX, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1999–2000, pp. 363–365.

[16] 20. Listopada 1904 r. Na pamiątkę…1904 (fn. 8), p. 12.

[17] Epitaphium na Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Lwowski” XXII, 1904, no. 301 (30 Oct.), p. 9; Uroczystość polska w Wiedniu, “Kurier Lwowski” XXII, 1904, no. 273 (2 Oct.), p. 13. The photograph of the tablet was also reproduced by: “Tygodnik Ilustrowany”, 1904, no. 42, p. 809; “Wędrowiec” 1904, no. 44, p. 357.

[18] 20. Listopada 1904 r. Na pamiątkę…1904 (fn. 8), p. 9.

[19] Uroczystość na Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Lwowski” XXII, 1904, no. 326 (24 Nov.), p. 2.

[20] See Father J. Smoliński, Kościół św. Józefa. Kahlenberg, [Vienna 2004], pp. 20–21; K. Kuczman, O dwóch obrazach związanych z pobytem Sobieskiego na Jasnej Górze, “Studia Claromontana” 4, 1983, pp. 185–191, the author cites sources mentioning that Sobieski was given a copy of the painting, p. 186, fn. 5 and p. 191, fn. 30.

[21] Sprawa kościoła na Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Lwowski” XXV, 1907, no. 140 (23 March), p. 10.

[22] Kaplica Sobieskiego na Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Lwowski” XXVII, 1909, no. 309 (6 Jul.), p. 5.

[23] Kaplica Sobieskiego na Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Lwowski” XXVII, 1909, no. 552 (25 Nov.), p. 6; VIII. Sprawozdanie Towarzystwa “Polska Sztuka Stosowana”, in Kraków R. 1909, p. 6. On the painter see: I. Żera, Dzierzbicki Antoni Eugeniusz in: SAP, vol. II Warszawa [et al.] 1975, pp. 147–148 (the prize is mentioned on p. 147).

[24] He even published a brochure with a list of these coats of arms; cf. Father J. Kukliński, Spis Rycerstwa Polskiego z wyprawy Wiedeńskiej 1683 wydał..., [Wiedeń 1910], prefaced by “Odezwa do potomków rycerzy polskich z odsieczy Wiedeńskiej”, in which he appealed for donations for the execution of the coats of arms of each family (as was then planned – in mosaic). The donations were intended to cover the cost of the renovation and decoration of the entire chapel.

[25] J. Mehofferowa, Rozwój myśli twórczej Józefa Mehoffera, vol. II (rkps Ossol. 14039/II vol. 2), p. [435] 431.

[26] Ausstellung für kirchliche Kunst. Katalog, K. K. Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und Industrie, September – December 1912, Wien 1912, pp. 26–27.

[27] R. Riedl, Ausstellung für Kirchliche Kunst in Wien 1912, “Die christliche Kunst” IX, 1913, pp. 97–110 (on Mehoffer, see p. 103 and illustration between p. 104 and p. 105: “Jos. von Mehoffer (Krakau), Die Heerführer der Entsatzarmee, die Hl. Messe am Kahlenberge hörend (Wanddekoration)”); M. Dreger, Die Ausstellung für Kirchliche Kunst in Wien, 1912, “Kunst und Kunsthandwerk” XV, 1912, Heft 11, pp. 611–640 (on Mehoffer’s painting, see p. 618).

The cartoon is in the collection of the National Museum in Cracow: Joannes Vinces, 1912, distemper, 630×365 cm, inv. no. MNK ND-11282.

[28] “Tygodnik Ilustrowany” 1913, no. 46 (15 Nov.), cover. It looks as if the text were added only after the cartoon returned from Vienna.

[29] Both designs are kept in the National Museum in Cracow, on display in the Józef Mehoffer House: Archangel Michael over the Battlefield, 1913, watercolour, gouache, 40×24 cm, inv. no. MNK ND-8565; The Prayer of Innocent XI, 1913, watercolour, gouache, 40×24 cm, inv. no. MNK ND-8566 (both signed bottom right: j. mehoffer).

[30] J. Mehofferowa, Rozwój myśli twórczej Józefa Mehoffera, vol. II (rkps Ossol. 14039/II vol. 2), pp. [465] 463–[466] 464. It is hard to say which of Mehoffer’s projects were referred to in the following description (as far as the composition with Archangel Michael is concerned): “three history paintings referring to the memorable events of September 1683. The first one presented King John III receiving Holy Communion, the Virgin and Child seated in the clouds above him, and the prophetic words ‘Joannes vinces’ uttered by the papal legate at the end of the mass shown at their feet: below the painting, on the drapery there was the white Polish eagle. The second painting presented Pope Innocent XI praying to St Joseph for the victory of the allied Christian forces; the third depicted Archangel Michael with his left hand protecting the cross on the tower of St Stephen’s cathedral, and holding a fiery sword in his right” (Nadolny 1982 (fn. 1), p. 188; Nadolny 1994 (fn. 1), p. 168). Mehoffer’s surviving miniature sketch with Archangel Michael shows neither the tower of St Stephen’s cathedral nor the fiery sword.

[31] The history of the commission and the circumstances hindering its realisation were related in detail by J. Mehofferowa, Rozwój myśli twórczej Józefa Mehoffera, vol. II (rkps Ossol. 14039/II vol. 2), passim.

[32] It was the second time (after the decoration of the Armenian cathedral in Lviv) that Rosen replaced Mehoffer, after many years of negotiations with the commissioner (mainly dealing with the remuneration for the painter); see: Na ciernistych szlakach twórczości. List mistrza Mehoffera, “Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny” 1930, no. 295 (31 Oct.), p. 2; J. Wolańska, Katedra ormiańska we Lwowie w latach 1902–1938. Przemiany architektoniczne i dekoracja wnętrza, Warszawa 2010 (= Poza Krajem) [available online: <http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/artdok/volltexte/2012/1975/>], p. 135.

Rosen’s paintings were discussed by: J. von Twardowski, Die neuen Fresken in der Sobieski-Kapelle auf dem Kahlenberg, “Kirchenkunst” 3, 1931, Heft 3, pp. 77–80; Kaplica Sobieskiego na Kahlenbergu, “Przewodnik Katolicki” 1931, no. 8 (22 Feb.), p. 141 (and fig. on the cover); S. Wasylewski, Co trzeba wiedzieć o Kahlenbergu, “Kurier Poznański” 1931, no. 8 (24 Feb.), p. 9. The execution of the paintings extended from the summer till late autumn 1930 (Nadolny 1994 (fn. 1), p. 272). For the painter’s biography see: M. Zakrzewska, Rosen Jan Henryk in: Polski Słownik Biograficzny, vol. XXXII, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków 1989–1991, pp. 56–58.

[33] It cannot go unnoticed that Rosen’s painting on the altar wall, unlike Mehoffer’s sketch, does not leave any room for a possible retable which (according to the original guidelines for the chapel decoration from 1909) was supposed to feature a painting of Our Lady of Częstochowa. Thus The Prayer of Innocent XI became an altarpiece painted on the wall.

[34] Just for the record, the subject of this scene given by Kazimierz Kuczman (Kuczman 1983 (fn. 20), pp. 185–186) must be corrected: it was a mass celebrated before the battle (not afterwards).

[35] It was a departure from tradition, in fact a kind of a second order departure: already Mehoffer showed there only an image of an anonymous “Virgin and Child”, seemingly ignoring the information about the celebration of the mass before Our Lady of Częstochowa painting (even the large-size cartoon does not clearly show the altarpiece painting behind the figure of the celebrant). Rosen went a step further and completely eliminated the image of the Virgin from the Kahlenberg Mass.

[36] Rosen completed the decoration with the help of his assistant Kazimierz Smuczak, who independently designed and painted the coats of arms; their heraldic accuracy and style were heavily criticised by specialists; see: H. Polaczkówna, Uwagi o dekoracji heraldycznej kaplicy na Kahlenbergu, “Miesięcznik Heraldyczny” XI, 1932, nos. 7–8, pp. 137–140. For Smuczak, see: B. Gradzik-Jedynak, K. Jurkiewicz, Kazimierz Smuczak współtwórca dekoracji w kaplicy na Kahlenbergu, “Wisełka” 1, 1983, p. 32; Ю. Смірнов, Казимир Смучак – учень і послідовник Яна-Генрика Розена, “Галицька Брама” 1999, nos. 11–12 (59–60), pp. 12–15.

[37] Only a model of the monument, designed by Edmund Hellmer (1850–1935), survives, 1883, wood and wax, 138×85×33 cm, Vienna, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum, Prot.-No. L–146. For more see: A. Saliger, Dom- und Diözesanmuseum Wien, Katalogtexte: W. Kuba-Hauk, A. Saliger, Wien 1987 (Schriftenreihe des Erzbischöfl. Dom- u. Diözesanmuseums Wien. N. F. 10), pp. 288–290, cat. no. 176, fig. 363; E.B. [E. Bruckmüller], Das Türkenbefreiungsdenkmal im Stephansdom, in: Ostarrîchi – Österreich: österreichische Länderausstellung: 996–1996. Menschen, Mythen, Meilensteine, ed. E. Bruckmüller, Neuhofen an der Ybbs, St. Pölten, Horn 1996, p. 605, cat. no. 14.8.14.

[38] Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Bildarchiv, inv. no. PK 3049:33. W. Telesko, Kulturraum Österreich. Die Identität der Regionen in der bildenden Kunst der 19. Jahrhunderts, Wien–Köln–Weimar 2008, p. 32. See also: S. Krasa, Das historische Ereignis und seine Rezeption. Zum Nachleben der Zweiten Türkenbelagerung Wiens in der österreichischen Kunst der 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, in: Die Türken vor Wien: Europa und die Entscheidung an der Donau 1683, hrsg. vom Historischen Museum der Stadt Wien unter der Leit. von Robert Waissenberger, Salzburg–Wien 1982, p. 311, fig. 156 on p. 309. The author emphasises the symbolic presentation, which was characteristic of that period, of the military subject of the relief of Vienna – in the form of references to the alliance of the “throne and the altar” (and not e.g. as a battle scene), and that this theme was subject, and in the second half of the 19th century almost non-existent, in Austrian art.

[39] A devotional picture in the holdings of the Archive of the Polish Province of the Resurrectionists in Cracow [Archiwum Polskiej Prowincji Zmartwychwstańców w Krakowie, APPCR, collection: “Kahlenberg”); for Redlich’s lithographic workshop see H.W. Arch, Die Malerfamilie Redlich in Innsbruck, “Veröffentlichungen des Tiroler Landesmuseum Ferdinandeum” 79, 1999, pp. 55–78.

             [40] Provided one can use such a phrase with regard to a term that, as it were ex definitione, does not have a proper definition; see K. Kończal, Miejsce pamięci, in: Modi memorandi. Leksykon kultury pamięci, eds. M. Saryusz-Wolska, R. Traba, in collaboration with J. Kalicka, Warszawa 2014, pp. 229–234 (in the sense of the Lieu de mémoire, pp. 230–232), with literature.

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