Wall paintings in the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church of Christ Lover of Mankind in Zhovkva. History of the absidal scene of The Ascension of Our Lord and its iconographic analysis (selected elements)

Maciej Ireneusz Orzechowski

Jagiellonian University, Cracow


The purpose of the article is to present the history of the mural paintings in the Basilian Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (today known as Christ Lover of Mankind) in Zhovkva and to perform an iconographic analysis of selected elements of the absidal scene of The Ascension of Our Lord, which contains elements clearly related to the temple’s name.

The Dobromyl Reform (1882–1904) of the Greek Catholic Basilian order contributed to intellectual revival and the restoration of its Galician monasteries. Among the modernization projects carried out at that time, special attention should be drawn to the murals in Zhovkva, painted by a young Ukrainian painter, Julian Bucmaniuk (1885–1967). The decorations were created in two stages: 1911 (the Chapel of the Protection of the Mother of God) and 1932–1939 (interior of the church). The polychromes of the chapel address Marian themes. The iconography of the murals, in turn, drew on the Byzantine model developed in the 9th and the 10th centuries, with its typical three motifs; the theophanic-doxological and prophetic motifs are evident in the area of the dome, sanctuary, and the eastern bay of the naos, while the evangelical-apocryphal motifs dominate in the kriloi (dodecaorton) and the naos. These are supplemented by two additional themes, the hagiographical and the historical. New elements (apart from the updated historical scenes) include the representations of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, the most intriguing of which are the absidal image of Christ the Pantocrator with a heart in his bosom in the scene of The Ascension of Our Lord.

Keywords: Julian Bucmaniuk, Zhovkva, Ukraine, 20th c., Eastern church art, mural painting, iconography, Sacred Heart of Jesus


The policies of Josephinism implemented by the Habsburg Monarchy between 1780 and 1790 to bring the Church under the heel of secular authority largely contributed to the decline of the Greek Catholic Basilian order, once famous for its vibrant pastoral and educational activity.[1] Monasteries not deemed useful to the public were shut down; the rest were stripped of their autonomy and handed over to the immediate authority of bishops. With the passage of time, a corresponding decline also occurred in the spiritual life of Basilian monks, who had in their day formed the core of the intellectual elite of the Uniate Church. The situation drove Clemens Sarnicki (1832–1909), the Proto-hegumen of Galicia, to seek papal assistance in reviving the order. A papal bull entitled Singulare Praesidium, issued by Leon XIII in 1882, entrusted the task of reform in the hands of the Society of Jesus. The hub of revival was the monastery of St Onuphrius in Dobromyl, where the Jesuits offered comprehensive formation and training to aspiring monks and confirmed Basilians in their commitment to the native Byzantine rite. During the period of the Dobromyl Reform, officially completed in 1904 (and for a long while afterwards) only a handful of foundations, renovations, modernizations and expansions of monastic complexes were carried out. Particular attention should be drawn to the wall paintings in the Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (today known as Christ Lover of Mankind)[2] in Zhovkva, in the former eparchy of Przemyśl.[3] Their special importance derives from the wide selection of iconographic themes, broad on a scale unprecedented in the temples of the Halicz metropolis, including the new motif of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, one unknown in Byzantium.[4]

The murals in Zhovkva were painted between 1932 and 1939 as part of the modernization of the 17th-century Church of the Nativity. Since 1682, the parish beside the church was run by monks invited by the Ruthenian bishop of Lviv, Józef Szumlański (1643–1708).[5] 1896 saw the establishment of the Liturgical Society, which took upon itself the task of raising funds for the renovation of the temple.[6] Built between 1682 and 1690 and funded by King John III Sobieski, the edifice was an oriented, cross-domed church with a polygonally enclosed sanctuary, a prosthesis and a diaconicon with an adjacent single-bay naos and a two-part narthex.[7] In the nave, quadrilateral pillars supported an octagonal tholobate covered by a dome with a lantern. Jan Sas-Zubrzycki’s described the 17th-century structure as “a precious specimen of church architecture based on Byzantine elements”; bearing in mind its exceptional value, the Conservators’ Circle of Galicia authorized its expansion, with the caveat that the silhouette of the old church should be preserved.[8] The project was drawn up by Edgar Kováts (1849–1912), professor holding the Chair of Architecture and Architectural Forms at the Polytechnic School of Lviv.[9] The cornerstone was finally laid on the 29th of June 1900, the Feast of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Construction started in 1902 and lasted for four years.[10] An eastern square dome-covered bay was added to the 17th-century naos; immediately adjacent to the north and south are rectangular kriloi enclosed with semi-domes, and from the east – a semicircular abside surmounted by a conch.[11] Pastophoria were also built adjoining the abside, as well as an oval dome-covered chapel of the Protection of the Mother of God (in Ukrainian: Pokrovi Presvâtoï Bogorodicì), situated between the naos and the southern krilos. The elevations were connected by shared elements of vertical and horizontal divisions; the old portal of the southern door in the penultimate bay of the naos was preserved. In consequence, the new section of the church came to resemble the layout of Ödön Lechner’s Church of St Ladislaus in Budapest and the works of Otto Wagner, drawing, to a certain extent, from the Baroque tradition.[12] As part of the modernization of the church in Zhovkva, Kováts also designed several elements of the interior: a side altar dedicated to St Parthenius, several wall paintings, a four-row iconostasis, and a pulpit.[13] It was probably due to the artist’s death in 1912 that only the low-relief door to the chapel of the Protection of the Mother of God was ever successfully completed.[14]

[1] M. Vavžonek, Ekumenìčna dìâl′nìst′ mitropolita Andrìâ Šeptic′kogo v Ukraïnì ta v Rosìï, Rim 2006, pp. 27–38; J. P. Himka, Religion and Nationality in Western Ukraine, The Greek Catholic Church and the Ruthenian National Movement in Galicia, 18671900, Montreal 1999, pp. 79–84. The present article is based on personal research conducted for the purposes of an MA thesis devoted to the representations of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus in the Basilian Greek Catholic church of Zhovkva, cf. M. I. Orzechowski, Przedstawienia „Chrystusa z gorejącym sercem” w malowidłach cerkwi Chrystusa Miłującego Ludzi w Żółkwi. Zagadnienie kultu Najświętszego Serca Jezusowego w Cerkwi greckokatolickiej, Kraków 2011, MA thesis written under the supervision of dr hab. Małgorzata Smorąg-Różycka at the Institute of Art History, Jagiellonian University in Cracow.

[2] Following the reform of liturgical books in the 1940s, the former name of the church was replaced with the synonymous “Christ Lover of Mankind” (Ukrainian: Hristos Čolovìkolûbec′, from the Greek: Christós ho Philánthrōpos) , typical of Eastern Christianity (Fr. O. Krasuc′kij, Praznik Presvâtogo Hristovogo Sercâ, “Svâtotroïc′kij sobor”, 2004, no. 11, p. 4.); cf. P. Nowakowski, Rozwój liturgii w Cerkwi na Ukrainie i Białorusi po unii brzeskiej 1596 roku, “Krakowskie Zeszyty Ukrainoznawcze” 5/6, 1996–1997, pp. 124–126.

[3] Cf. M. Kozak, Pom’âni, Gospodi, dušì slug Tvoïh, Peremišl′–L′vìv 2002, p. 22.

[4] Even though the worship of God’s Love in Byzantium was not very elaborate, the Divine Liturgy and other sources frequently refer to Christ by the two related names: ho Eleḗmōn (“merciful”) and ho Philánthrōpos (“loving people”). We know of a church in Constantinopole dedicated to the Merciful Christ, part of a female convent located near the Hagia Sophia Church. The town was also home to two monasteries dedicated to Christ Lover of Mankind: one located near the Hagia Sophia in Blachernae (end of the 11th century, funded by Irena Dukena and Alexey I Komnen, and another one, also in the close vicinity of the Hagia Sophia (erected and furnished by Irena-Eulogia Chumnaina Paleologina in c. 1312). The worship of the Merciful Christ is also attested in works of art, including representations of Christ the Pantocrator bearing the name of ho Eleḗmōn (a jasper cameo from the beginning of the 11th century, currently in the collections of the Ermitage Museum, no. Ω 353, and a mosaic icon from the first quarter of the 12th century at Berlin’s

Museum für Byzantinische Kunst). The terms ho Eleḗmōn and ho Philánthrōpos also appear in Hermeneia by Dionysius of Fuma, in a passage devoted to the names of Christ inscribed on icons and other works of art

(Mitr. A. Šeptic′kij, Pro počitannâ Najsvâtìšogo Hristovogo Sercâ, ed. T. Ânkìv ČSVV, Lvìv 2004; A. Bank, Neskol′ko vizantijskih kamej iz sobraniâ Gosudarstvennogo Èrmitaža, “Vizantijskij vremennik” 16, 1959, pp. 207–213; Kniga glagolemaâ, Ksenos sirìč′ strannik Zosimy diâkona o ruskom puti do Carâgrada i do Ierusalima, Hoženie i bytie grìšnago inoka Zosimy diâkona Sergieva monastyrâ, in: G. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth centuries, Washington 1984, p. 183; R. Morris, Monks and Laymen in Byzantium, 8431118, Cambridge 2002, p. 181; A.M. Talbot, Building Activity in Constantinople under Andronikos II, The Role of Women Patrons in the Construction and Restoration of Monasteries, in: Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments, Topography, and Everyday Life. Contributors, ed. N. Necipoglu, Leiden 2001, pp. 339–340; O. Demus, Die byzantinischen Mosaikikonen, vol. 1, Die großformatigen Ikonen, Wien 1991; Dionysius of Fuma, Hermeneia czyli Objaśnienie sztuki malarskiej, transl. I. Kania, ed. M. Smorąg-Różycka, Kraków 2003, p. 285).

[5] Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich, ed. B. Chlebowski, vol. 14, Warszawa 1895, pp. 818–819. The origin of the Greek Catholic parish in Zhovkva dates back to the beginning of the 17th century, cf. Pisma Stanisława Zhovkvaskiego kanclerza koronnego i hetmana z jego popiersiem, A. Bielowski, Lwów 1861, pp. 584–586.

[6] T. Szybisty, Edgar Kováts (18491912), Próba monografii, Kraków 2004, MA thesis written under the supervision of dr. hab. Marek Zgórniak at the Institute of Art History at the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, p. 60.

[7] J. Sas-Zubrzycki, Restauracya cerkwi OO. Bazylianów w Żółkwi, “Architekt” 2, 1901, no. 6, col. 96.

[8] Over time, serious cracks appeared in the old church as a result of land subsidence. The building was subsequently reinforced. For structural reasons, however, the dome could not be reconstructed; it was replaced with a barrel vault and a turret

[9] J. Sas-Zubrzycki, Żółkiew (ending), “Architekt” 1, 1900, no. 5, col. 97.

[10] Ì. Gah, Volû mav sil′nu – musìv osâgnuti te, ŝo postaviv, w: Ûlìân Bucmanûk, Stìnopis žovkìvs′koї cerkvi Hrista-Čolovìkolûbcâ, L′vìv 2006, p. 19; R. Grimalûk, Nastìnnì rozpisi ì vìtraž kaplicì Presvâtogo sercâ Hristovogo u Žolkvì, “Vìsnik Harkìvs’koì deržavnoї akademìї dizajnu ì mistectv”, 2005, no. 1, p. 161; P. Krasny, Architektura cerkiewna na ziemiach ruskich Rzeczypospolitej 15961914, Kraków 2004, p. 284.

[11] Cf. M. Paulos, Zametki ob arhitekture Afona, w: Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo, vol. 16, Balkany, Rus’, eds. A. Komeč, O. Ètingof, St Petersburg 1995, pp. 22–38. Tomasz Szybisty mistakenly referred to the kriloi and the eastern bay of the nave as the “transept”; Piotr Krasny called them “annexes” (Szybisty 2004 (fn. 6), p. 60; Krasny 2004 (fn. 10), p. 284).

[12] Krasny 2004 (fn. 10), p. 284; T. Szybisty, Wokół baroku, Kilka uwag o działalności Edgara Kovátsa (18491912) na polu architektury, in: Barok i barokizacja, Materiały sesji Oddziału Krakowskiego Stowarzyszenia Historyków Sztuki, Kraków 34 XII 2004, eds. K. Brzezina, J. Wolańska, Kraków 2007, p. 318. In the light of research on the stylistic form of the Zhovkva church, it is reasonable to reject Jerzy T. Petrus’s isolated and mistaken view that the structure was built “in the style of Moscow churches” (J.T. Petrus, Zhovkva i jej kolegiata, Warszawa 1997, p. 28).

[13] “Architekt” 2, 1901, vol. 5, fig. II; vol. 6, fig. III, cols. 91–92; Gah 2006 (fn. 10), p. 19; Szybisty 2004 (fn. 6), p. 62.

[14] Szybisty 2004 (fn. 6), fig. 76.

[15] Grimalûk 2005 (fn. 10), p. 161. Julian Bucmaniuk (Ukrainian: Ûlìân Bucmanûk) studied at the Academy of Fine Arts in Cracow under Teodor Axentowicz (1908–1912, 1913–1914) and Leon Wyczółkowski (1912–1913), before, in 1923, he went on to continue his education at the Academy of Fine Arts in Prague with Wojciesz Hynais (1923–1925), Jakub Obrowski (1925–1926) and Max Szwabinski (1926–1927). He held the scholarship of metropolitan Andrzej Szeptycki. Bucmaniuk died on 30 December 1967 in Edmonton and was buried at the Ukrainian Cemetery of St Michael. His greatest monumental paintings include the murals at the Monastery of the Nativity in Zhovkva (1910–1911, 1932–1939), and those painted between 1951 and 1956 with his wife Iryna and son Bohdan in the cathedral church of Edmonton (Ûlìân Bucmanûk, Mìj žittêpis, in: Ûlìân Bucmanûk, Monografìčna studìâ, ed. M. Hom’âk, Edmonton 1982, pp. 14 and 21; Gah 2006 (fn. 10, pp. 11 and 14).

[16] See D. Černìênko, Galicìjs′kì greko-katolic′kì (unìants′kì) svâŝeniki v Kazanì pìd čas Perŝoї svìtovoї vìjni (za materìalami Nacìonal′nogo arhivu Respublìki Tatarstan), http://ukrainistika.ru/st/72-denis-cherniyenko-galicijski-greko-katolicki-uniantski-svyashheniki-v-kazani-.html [accessed: 12 June 2010].

[17] The dating of the murals was first discussed by Mychajlo Chomiak in his biography of Bucmaniuk; he dated the paintings in the Chapel of the Protection of the Mother of God to 1910–1911. On the other hand, the paintwork in the church, he claims, was completed in two phases: in 1932–1937 and in 1939. It seems that when he compiled Bucmaniuk’s biography based on the artist’s personal notes, documents, correspondence, and the testimony of his wife, Iryna, the author overlooked data furnished by the Basilian calendar for 1939, which clearly suggest that works were carried out, intermittently, also throughout year 1938; cf. Ûlìân Bucmanûk… 1982 (fn. 15), pp. 15 and 21; Kalendarec′ Presvâtogo Ìsusovogo Sercâ na 1939 rìk, Žovkva 1938, pp. 54 and 56.

[18] The pre-war furnishing of the pastophorium has not survived to our day to confirm that the annex indeed housed a chapel; however, the oldest residents of the monastery report that services were held there before the war. This fact comes from personal communication with hegumen Veniamin (Volodymyr) Chernega.

[19] Katalog tvorìv Ûlìâna Bucmanûka, in: Ûlìân Bucmanûk… 1982 (fn. 15), p. 56.

[20] Prowokacja czy kanonizacja, “Dziennik Polski” 3, 1938, no. 9, p. 15; Bojowiec O.U.N., który zabił policjanta, „świętym” w cerkwi w Żółkwi, “Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny” 29, 1938, no. 11, p. 6. In response to the charges, Bucmaniuk published an announcement entitled Vidguk napasti na oo. Vasilìân ì malarâ їhn′oї cerkvi in the Ukrainian newspaper “Dìlo”, in which he revealed the story behind the murals. To arrive at the images of the saints, he had resorted to sketched portraits of contemporary figures, aiming at an iconographic type known “in many paintings from Leonardo da Vinci on the one hand, to the paintings of our century on the other”. Bucmaniuk admitted that at the beginning of 1933, before his model (a Ukrainian nationalist) was arrested, he did indeed sketch an oil portrait of him. Later on, however, he created a study of a Basilian monk, brother Szkoła and soon came to see it as more appropriate; it is thus the latter that served as the model for St John the Evangelist (Û. Bucmanûk, Vìdguk napasti na oo. Vasilìân ì malarâ їhn′oї cerkvi, “Dìlo” 59, 1938, no. 20, p. 7).

[21] M. Hom’âk, Kolis′ ì teper, in: Ûlìân Bucmanûk… 1982 (fn. 15), pp. 46–47.

[22] Kalêndarec′… 1938 (fn. 17), p. 56.

[23] In 1941–1944, Bucmaniuk worked in Cracow as an editor for the Ukrainian Publishing House (Ukraїns′ke vidavnictvo); he then moved with his family to Vienna, and later to Munich. Invited by the Apostolic Eparch of Western Canada, Bishop Nil Sawaryn, he finally settled in Edmonton in June 1950, where he was very active in educating the local Ukrainian diaspora (Gah 2006 (fn. 10), pp. 15–16).

[24] Ibidem, p. 24.

[25] V. Lazarev, Istoriâ vizantijskoj živopisi, vol. 2, Moskva 1947, pp. 75–76; O. Demus, Byzantine Mosaic Decoration, Aspects of Monumental Art in Byzantium, London 1948; S. Dufrenne, Les programmes iconographiques des églises byzantines de Mistra, Paris 1970; A. Różycka-Bryzek, Bizantyńsko-ruskie malowidła w kaplicy zamku lubelskiego, Warszawa 1983, pp. 18–19; eadem, Bizantyńskie malarstwo jako wykładnia prawd wiary, Recepcja na Rusi – drogi przenikania do Polski, in: Chrześcijańskie dziedzictwo bizantyńsko-słowiańskie, eds. ks. A. Kubiś, ks. M. Rusecki, Lublin 1994, pp. 54–57.

[26] The most notable among the representations of the saint monks of the Ruthenian Church is that on the western pillar in the northern side of the dome – the full-figure image of St Job of Pochaiv – Ivan Zelazo (Ìvan Zalìzo, c. 1550–1651), the hegumen of the Pochaiv monastery (1604–1651), apologist for the Orthodox Church and opponent of the Union of Brest; cf. U. A. Pawluczuk, Życie monastyczne w II Rzeczypospolitej, Białystok 2007, p. 43.

[27] Representations of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in the church in Zhovkva and the history behind the worship of Cordis Jesu in the Uniate Church are discussed in an article entitled Ikonografia tematu „Najświętszego Serca Jezusowego” w pobożności bazyliańskiej i studyckiej (do likwidacji Cerkwi greckokatolickiej po II wojnie światowej), to be published in a volume of proceedings from the conference Rola monasterów w kształtowaniu kultury ukraińskiej w wiekach XIXX, Kraków 18–19 November 2010 (forthcoming).

[28] „Ì tak, koli vvìjti do hramu, zaraz na porozì vpadaê nam v očì velikij, okruglij obraz Hristovogo Sercâ, visoko na golovnim prestolom. Z porbitih ruk ì nìg splivaê tihe, nìžne svìtlo, a z Božih ust gejbi plili solodkì slova: «Prijdìt vsì do mene…» Dva promìnnì angeli v dolì adoruût Bože Serce. Malûnok cej, hoč i ne najbìlšij v cìm hramì, ta najvažlivìjšij. Ce oseredok vsìh malûnkìv. Bo Žovkva, a v nìj monastir ta Vidavnictvo ČSVV – to najbìlše vogniŝe pìznannâ, lûbovi j počitannâ Ìsusovogo Sercâ v našìm kraû”. (Malûvannâ cerkvi v Žovkvì, in: Kalêndarec… 1938 (fn. 17), pp. 48 and 50). I. Hach likewise focused her attention on the image of the flaming heart, mistakenly following O. Sydor in his claim that the choice of themes for the abside was connected to the iconographic programme of the iconostasis (the row of prophets and apostles with Deesis); cf. Gаh 2006 (fn. 10), p. 24 and Sydor, [commentaries under the reproductions], in: Ûlìân Bucmanûk… 2006 (fn. 10), p. 69.

[29] The inscription will be discussed in detail below. The murals in the kriloi were similarly supplemented with quotations. On the northern side, in the bordure on the wall of the buttressing arch of the northern arcade of the eastern naos adjoining the southern semi-dome, opposite the image of the Union of Brest, an apostrophe opening the first kontakion of the Akathist to St Josaphat Priest and Martyr (Kuncewicz). A bordure on the southern side, opposite The Protection of the Mother of God on the northern wall of the buttressing arch of the southern arcade of the eastern bay of the nave, contains a narrative Marian hymn Pod″ tvoû mil[os]t′ (Latin: Sub tuum praesidium).

[30] Basic information on the iconography of the Sacred Heart of Jesus is provided by dictionary entries: Herz Jesu, ed. A. Walzer, in: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (hereinafter referred to as LCI), ed. E. Kirschbaum SJ, vol. 2, Freiburg 1990, cols. 250–254; L. Réau, Iconographie de l’art chrétien, vol. 1, Paris 1955, pp. 48–49 ; cf. J.L. Seydl, Contesting the Sacred Heart of Jesus in Late Eighteenth-century Rome, in: Roman Bodies, Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century, eds. A. Hopkins, M. Wyke, London 2005, pp. 215–227; Orzechowski 2011 (fn. 1), pp. 54–60.

[31] Ks. M. Janocha, Ukraińskie i białoruskie ikony świąteczne w dawnej Rzeczypospolitej. Problem kanonu, Warszawa 2001, pp. 377–378.

[32] G. Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst, vol. 3, Die Auferstehung und Erhöhung Christi, Gütersloh 1971, p. 485, fig. 447. The iconography of The Ascension of Our Lord has been extensively covered in the literature on the subject and needs no further discussion here; cf. A. Schmid, Himmelfahrt Christi, in: LCI, vol. 2, 1990, cols. 268–276; Janocha 2001 (fn. 30), p. 377 (with literature).

[33] Cf. Janocha 2001 (fn. 31), pp. 382–383. The iconography of The Ascension of Our Lord in Byzantine art is discussed by Klaus Wessel in: K. Wessel, Himmelfahrt Christi, in: Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, eds. K. Wessel, M. Restle, vol. 2, Stuttgart 1971, cols. 1224–1256.

[34] Schiller 1971 (fn. 32), p. 292, item 451.

[35] E. Dewald, The Iconography of the Ascension, “American Journal of Archeology” 19, 1915, p. 283, fig. 4.

[36] The image contains elements of Trinitarian iconography, as it combines two scenes: The Ascension of Our Lord and the Pentecost, testifying to the initial unity of the two feats (K. M. Collins, Visualizing Mary, Innovation and Exegesis in Ottonian Manuscript Illumination, Austin 2007, pp. 42–43); cf. Janocha 2001 (fn. 31), pp. 378–381.

[37] Janocha 2001 (fn. 31), p. 383.

[38] Schiller 1971 (fn. 32), p. 488, fig. 457; cf. R. Delbrueck, Notes on the Wooden Doors of Santa Sabina, “The Art Bulletin” 34, 1952, pp. 139145.

[39] Schiller 1971 (fn. 32), p. 293, item 477 and p. 497, fig. 477.

[40] Ibidem, p. 293, item 470 and p. 494, fig. 470.

[41] O. Sirén, Toskanische Maler im XIII. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1922, fig. 31.

[42] André Grabar suggest a similar explanation in the case of chapel no. 45 in Bawit. The figure of Mary is assumed to have been eliminated from The Ascension of Our Lord due to the lack of adequate space (A. Grabar, Christian Iconography, A Study of Its Origins, Princeton 1968, p. 134).

[43] Cf. ibidem, pp. 134–135; Różycka-Bryzek 1983 (fn. 25), p. 82.

[44] Cf. Różycka-Bryzek 1983 (fn. 25), p. 22.

[45] According to Louis Réau , in 1875, the Sacred Congregation of Rites approved two iconographic variants of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, a representation of Christ with a flaming heart on his bosom or with a glowing wound in his left side, and rejected all images of Christ carrying a heart (Cardiophorus), as well as the images of the Sacred Heart alone. Bishop Hryhoriy Khomyshin, on the other hand, claimed that representations of the Sacred Heart of Jesus were not prohibited; the Congregation, he insisted, permitted that the images may be venerated, but only with the approval of the local bishop (L. Réau 1955 (fn. 30), p. 49; G. Homyšin, Naboženstvo do Najsvâtìjšogo Sercâ Gospoda Našogo Ìsusa Hrìsta âk pìdručnik dlâ svâŝennikìv, Stanìslavìv 1938, p. 130).

[46] In Zhovkva, the mandorla is supported by two angels, in line with the most popular imagery; the angels are dressed in traditional Ukrainian ankle-length, white, women’s shirts with embroidered sleeves and cuffs; cf. O. Rudenko, Czy Chrystusowi można być Hucułem? O początkach ruskiej sztuki religijno-narodowej na przykładzie twórczości Juliana Pańkiewicza, “Biuletyn Historii Sztuki” 69, 2007, pp. 57–72. The mandorla in the depictions of The Ascension of Our Lord and the Transfiguration, is usually analyzed, in accordance with biblical narrative, as a heavenly nimbus.

[47] N. Pokrovskij, Evangelie v pamâtnikah ikonografii, preimuŝestvenno vizantijskih i russkih, St Petersburg 1892, p. 203; G. Elderkin, Shield and Mandorla, “The Americal Journal of Archeology” 42, 1938, pp. 227–236; O. Brendel, Origin and Meaning of the Mandorla, “Gazette des Beaux-Arts” 25, 1944, pp. 8–9; A. Grabar, L’imago clipeata chrétienne, in: idem, L’art de la fin de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Âge, vol. 1, Paris 1968, pp. 607–613; Różycka-Bryzek 1983 (fn. 25), pp. 22–23; G. Passarelli, Icone delle dodici grandi feste bizantine, Milano 1998, p. 192.

[48] The inscription bears the closest analogy to the magnification (veličannâ, a doxological formula) from the matins of the Feast of the Sacred Heart of Jesus: “Veličaêm tâ, životdavče H[ri]ste, j čtem″ svâŝennìjšoê Serce tvoê, gorašeê lûbovїû ko čelovìkom″ (“We magnify Thee, Giver of Life, Christ, and honour Thine Sacred Heart consumed with the love of man”). It takes place after the royal doors are opened, lights turned on, and the church sprayed with incense (Večìrnâ ì utrennâ ta ìnšì bogoslužennâ na vsì nedìlì ì svâta, Monderì 1945, p. 411; A. Lukaševič, Veličanije, in: Pravoslavnaâ ènciklopediâ, ed. Kirill (Patriarh Moskovskij), vol. 7, Moskva 2004, pp. 529–531).

[49] Orzechowski 2011 (fn. 1), pp. 37–53.

[50] Cf. Cz. Drążek, Rozwój kultu Serca Jezusa w Polsce, in: Bóg bliski, Historia i teologia kultu Najświętszego Serca Jezusowego, eds. idem, L. Grzebień, Kraków 1983, pp. 42–43.

[51] The team included Ephrem König, Gottfired Westhof, Heinrich Reichmann and Weiss, and, maybe, Andreas Weiss from the Emmaus of Prague (J. Mráček, J. Kolman, Kaple bývalého kláštera Boromejek v Teplicích, Teplice 2006, pp. 8 and 36). The art school in Beuron (German: Beuroner Künstlerschule) was founded in the second half of the 19th century (officially in 1894) by Father Desiderius (Peter) Lenz at the Benedictine abbey of St Martin in Beuron, in the Danube Valley (Baden-Württemberg). It brought together monk artists (painters, sculptors, designers, and architects) who shared the common aspiration of shaping a unique style steeped in spirituality worthy of sacred art. Works produced at the school were heavily influenced by geometry; its unique canon was based on geometric principles. The monks derived inspiration from the art of ancient Egypt, Greece, Rome, Byzantium and the Romanesque tradition, also carrying out close studies and assimilating elements from contemporary art. Their works won great acclaim both in Europe and in America. Alongside the chapel in Teplice, the most outstanding Beuronic masterpieces which survive to this day include the Chapel of St Maurus and the paintings in the monastery of Beuron, as well as the paintings in the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary in České Budějovice. Members of the Beuron school included, to name just two,Wilhelm von Kaulbach and Jacob Wüger; cf. D. Lenz, Zur Ästhetik der Beuroner Schule, Wien 1898; A. Schnügten, Die Beuroner Malerschule, “Zeitschrift für christliche Kunst” 3, 1890, 269–276; P.O. Wolff, Beuroner Kunst, “Christliche Kunst” 7, 1910/1911, pp. 121–152; H. Siebenmorgen, Die Anfänge der „Beuroner Kunstschule“, Peter Lenz und Jakob Wüger 18501875, Ein Beitrag zur Genese der Formabstraktion in der Moderne, Sigmaringen 1983; www.beuron.cz; www.pro-arte.cz.

[52] We know of the inscription thanks to the designs stored in the archives of the Beuron monastery. It could be found in the recess of the altar under the representation of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, and was probably removed when the altar dedicated to Mary was placed in the area.

[53] The saints were identified by Jakub Mráček and Jan Kolman; cf. Mráček, Kolman 2006 (fn. 51), pp. 16, 18, 22–27.

[54] On the website of the action house, the icon was entitled “Hristos – Dobryj Pastyr′” (“Christ, the Good Shepherd”) and its place of origin vaguely described as “Central′naâ Rossiâ” (“Central Russia”). Because there is not enough information to establish the provenience of the icon and convincing arguments for such an early dating are lacking, I shall not comment on the validity of these claims, cf. www.gelos.ru [accessed: 10 March 2011].

[55] Even though the title page of the prayer book is missing, it can be dated to the 1920s or the 1930s based on the simple typeface and the language used in the chapter devoted to catechesis, which bears close resemblance to the Ukrainian language of today.

[56] A. Kuhn, Die Neuesten Werke des Malers Fritz Kunz, “Die christliche Kunst” 5, 1908/1909, p. 99; H. Steffen, Die Peterskirche in München, “Die christliche Kunst” 5, 1908/1909, p. 115.

[57] Cf. R. Haussherr, Christus-Johannes-Gruppe, in: LCI, vol. 1, 1990, cols. 454–456.

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